Throughout history, elements of prior revolutions can inspire and resonate within later revolutions. Whilst it would be implausible for a revolution to repeat itself with entirely the same purpose, events and outcomes, there is no doubt that revolutions do echo, oftentimes through the ideas of one field expressing themselves in another. The saying, “history doesn’t repeat itself, but it often rhymes”, (Earys, 1971), attributed to Mark Twain, is a pertinent claim in regard to this essay. The idea of history rhyming and echoing can be seen in the ultimate goal of a revolution. In some ways. all revolutions echo through each other due to this ultimate goal; they exist and occur because people seek the radical change and subversion of systems which no longer serve to honour their liberties or changing political and philosophical schools of thought. This essay will argue that the revolutionary waves of the Atlantic Revolutions exemplify the echoing rather than repetition of history as the drive for liberty, liberalism and nationalism proliferated in the 18th and 19th centuries. It will further go on to discuss how the anti-establishment and pro-liberal sentiment behind the French Revolution heavily influenced and stimulated the growth of feminist ideologies in the 19th century and will conclude by discussing the presence of patriotism and a misconstrued drive to uphold one’s right to liberty in the Capitol Hill riots, which arguably echoed the mentality of the Sons of Liberty and aimed to preserve the raison d’etre of the American Revolution.
The revolutionary waves (Motadel, 2011) of the Atlantic Revolutions exemplify the echoing of reaction to the oppression of absolutist governments and the desire for economic and political autonomy, inspired by the enlightened thought of philosophers at the time. Coleman makes light of Hobbes’ role as the Founding Father of American Constitutionalism (Coleman, 1974) through the influence his thoughts had on both Locke and Madison, who repurposed Hobbesian constitutional principles into the American political tradition. Whilst Hobbes himself was an absolute monarchist his philosophy cannot be dismissed as wholly dictatorial, and rather, in the context of the American Revolution, was translated into terms which fuelled the creation of a constitution that aimed towards the preservation of liberty. His social contract theory declared that a government should serve and protect all within society, acting only with the “consent of the governed”. (Hobbes, 1651). Essentially, this statement rules that a government’s right and ability to exercise state power must be justified by the consent of the people over which this power is exerted. Locke maintains that we hold the fundamental natural rights to, “life, liberty, and property”, (Locke, 1689) which in tandem with Hobbes’ philosophy, forms the basis of what the U.S. Constitution aimed to achieve: upholding these individual rights with the consent of the governed. These philosophical thinkers may have been unreservedly dissimilar, however, their works can be reconciled with each other and have echoed throughout revolutions. Hobbes’ Leviathan, written at the time of the English Civil War, was repurposed during the American Revolution through Locke’s writing, and much like the philosophical minds which drove them, these two revolutionary conflicts were objectively disparate though they had the innate aim of reconsidering the governance and freedoms within their respective countries. Locke’s philosophy repurposed Hobbesian theories, echoing the sentiment of the English Civil War and through its reconstituted form would go on to inspire the development of further philosophical ideologies, thus resonating throughout the Atlantic Revolutions.
The ideological shift following the Enlightenment echoed in every Atlantic Revolution, globally reaffirming the human right to liberty and fair government. Rousseau, heavily influenced by the work of Locke, who claimed that the individual should never be forced to give up their natural rights to a king, wrote, “man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains.” (Rousseau, 1762). This philosophy would go on to be a driving force behind all of the Atlantic Revolutions as people sought to ensure their rights were upheld and honoured by their governments. Naturally, being a French philosophical and political thinker, Rousseau’s works resonated in the anti-establishment and pro-liberal sentiment throughout the French Revolution. Inspired by the idea of liberty, revolutionaries fought against aristocratic and absolutist rule in a bid to rid France of the corruption which was illuminated through the disparity between the luxurious lifestyle of the upper-class and royalty, and the cruel life the lower-class were forced to endure. Inspired by the Enlightenment and developments in the French Revolution, these driving forces for the subversion of antiquated and corrupt systems echoed in Haiti. The French Revolution aided in giving rights to slaves, outlawing slavery in its colonies in 1794, (Peabody, 2014) which procured an acute anger in Haiti as slaves became aware of their rights as outlined through the outcome of the Enlightenment. Thus, the same ideological shift following the Enlightenment which fuelled the French Revolution echoed in the Haitian Revolution. Moreover, in the later Mexican War of Independence these ideas of liberty resonated through the Cry of Dolores in 1810, in which Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla questioned, “Will you be slaves of Napoleon or will you as patriots defend your religion, your hearths, and your rights?” (Cloud, 1896) This speech instigated a war of independence that would liberate Mexican people from Spanish rule, thus reaffirming the action Rousseau’s words inspired as people sought to break free from their chains. Whilst ultimately these revolutions sought to achieve a different degree of social change due to the prior political climate of their respective countries, they were driven by the same sentiment which echoed throughout all of the Atlantic Revolutions.
The overthrowing of the monarchy and French tradition following the French Revolution resonates greatly in 19th century feminism, which similarly sought to break away from convention and redefine the structures of power. Driven by distain and resentment towards the corrupt hierarchical system in France, revolutionaries aimed to reconstruct society in a way that honoured equality and the fundamental natural human rights. The outcome of this violent and bloody Revolution, impelled by the ardent desire for improved social equality, was the Declaration of the Rights of Man, which stated that: all men were born free with equal rights, all citizens have the right to take part in electing representatives to make the laws, and that every person shall be free to speak, write or print his opinions provided he does not abuse this privilege. (Yale Law School Lillian Goldman Library, 2008) This declaration would go on to colourise the sentiment behind first-wave feminism. As political scientist Levy suggests, Jacobinism, rooted in the heart of the French Revolution, formed the political foundation of almost all leftist schools of thought (Levy, 2004). Thus, the egalitarianism and equality promoted by the Jacobin Club echoed greatly across Europe in this time period. These two aforementioned aspects are most pertinent when looking at how the French Revolution echoed in 19thCentury feminism, as the direct parallel can be drawn between the aims of the two causes; redefining the structures of power so as to promote equality.
The French Revolution gave birth to the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women, which as R.B. Rose argues, marked the beginnings of female involvement in politics (Rose, 1995). In conjunction with the Jacobinist school of thought and the newly established rights under the Declaration of the Rights of Man, this sentiment of equality and female empowerment echoed throughout first-wave feminism. Anne Mozely comments on Jane Eyre that, “Never was there a better hater. Every page burns with moral Jacobinism of the revolutionary French anti-monarchists.” (Jordan, et al., 2006). This critical appreciation of Charlotte Brontë’s writing encapsulates the essence of first wave feminism which echoed the politically and socially insurgent nature of the French Revolution. Whilst Jacobinism aimed towards ensuring equal suffrage in men, first-wave feminism aimed to translate and echo this goal in eventually achieving some sense of women’s suffrage in Britain in 1918. (Cecil, 1918) Mary Wollstonecraft, influenced by French political thinkers, argued that the educational system deliberately trained women to be incapable (Wollstonecraft, 1792), resonating the predicament in France whereby the lower classes were confined to this societal position due to the institutions which worked to supress them. Increased discussion on the topic of female education led to the opening of the first residential college for women in 1896: Girton College, Cambridge. Developments in regard to female education through the feminist movement echoed the Ferry Reform during the Third Republic which mandated compulsory education for all children between the ages of six and thirteen (Ferry, 1881). Overall, whilst first wave feminism did not experience the violent oppression of radical thinkers as throughout the Reign of Terror in France, the ideologies which drove the movement distinctly echo the sentiment behind the French Revolution.
American ideologies of fighting for individual liberties and rights, stemming from the American Revolution, are still echoed in present day America, albeit in a misconstrued way. James Otis fervently argued for this idea of liberty, in one instance stating that, “It is left to every man as he comes of age to choose what society he will continue to belong to,” (Otis, 1764) which can be interpreted to affirm the right to a democratic and fair government, that of course did not exist in pre-Revolution America. Otis was one among many patriotic men in the mid to late 18th century who made up the Sons of Liberty which propagated the moto, “taxation without representation is tyranny” (Encyclopedia.com, 2019). This infamous group embodied the growing revolutionary mentality in America; establishing and declaring the rights of Americans as British subjects whilst resisting British policy, whether through the burning of effigies, the writing of pamphlets or through active rebellion. Among many grievances the group regarded the Tea Act of 1773 with particular resentment as it was in popular American opinion that the Tea Act was merely another attempt at parliamentary taxation and the destruction of the independence of their legislatures. This policy was met by a significant act of defiance by American colonists through the Boston Tea Party of 1775, where British policy outrightly disregarded and denounced by Americans, especially in tandem with the First Continental Congress, which occurred a year prior and denied Parliament’s authority. The events leading up to and throughout the American Revolution were fuelled by the notion that Americans were not fairly represented in the British Parliament which held legislative power over the colonies; this sentiment still echoes today.
Since the dawn of a new and liberated America, the connotations of patriotism have begun to change. What was once seen as a noble and positive attribute is now, as SPLC senior investigative reporter M. Hayden claims, “frequently exploited by people that want to take advantage of this idea of a love for country.” (Vera, 2021) This notion is certainly evident in the recent Capitol Hill riots, where self-proclaimed patriots staged an insurrection for something inherently undemocratic and antithetical to the functioning of American government, under the guise of protecting American liberties and rights. Ultimately, this insurrection echoed the overthrowing of an illegitimate government that no longer represented the people it presided over, which occurred in the American Revolution. There is undoubtedly great disparity between these two situations given that the current American government was democratically voted for, however, the fact remains that this ideology has echoed in today’s current affairs. Protestors with signs reading, “give me my liberty”, (see bibliography) and “my constitutional rights are essential”, (see bibliography) were photographed at the Capitol Hill insurrection, perfectly encapsulating the residual presence of the 18th century radical school of thought, which reaffirmed Americans’ rights to representation in government. The idea of liberty is venerated and gospelised in America as a direct result of the events which occurred almost 250 years ago. This is not to say that the American Revolution is repeating itself in anyway, despite the claims of the alt-right, (Corbould & McDonnell, 2021)however, it stands as a marker of its echo in modern day America.
Objectively, every revolution aims to achieve different specific outcomes respective of the country’s political climate at the time, however, they ultimately seek to subvert the status quo and bring about long-lasting change that seeks to better governance and social ethos. Therefore, whilst one is evaluating the events of revolutions such as the Haitian Revolution or the Mexican War of Independence, they may not see a direct repetition of events, however, there is undoubtedly a clear echo in the driving sentiment of liberty. This argument also applies to the revolutions which have not inspired other revolutions but have rather provoked political movements that translate the ideas of one field and express them in another, as discussed in regard to the repurposing of the French egalitarian sentiment which fuelled 19th century feminism’s disdain towards the patriarchal institutions that commanded society. To conclude, introduced earlier in this essay, Mark Twain’s comment that, “history doesn’t repeat itself, but it often rhymes,” rings true. To rhyme is to correspond to another and this certainly is the case in the revolutions and political movements mentioned throughout this essay, which all echo the concordant sentiment of liberty.
Works Cited
Anon., n.d. s.l.:s.n.
Cecil, L. R., 1918. Qualifications of Women. s.l.:s.n.
Cloud, W. F., 1896. Church and State: Or, Mexican Politics from Cortez to Diaz. 7 ed. Kansas City: Peck & Clark printers.
Coleman, F. M., 1974. The Hobbesian Basis of American Constitutionalism. [Online]
Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3234269?seq=1
[Accessed 6th March 2021].
Corbould, C. & McDonnell, M., 2021. Why the alt-right believes another American Revolution is coming. [Online]
Available at: https://theconversation.com/why-the-alt-right-believes-another-american-revolution-is-coming-153093
[Accessed 8th March 2021].
Earys, J. G., 1971. Diplomacy and its discontents. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Encyclopedia.com, 2019. Taxation Without Representation Is Tyranny. [Online]
Available at: https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/taxation-without-representation-tyranny
[Accessed 13th April 2021].
Ferry, J., 1881. Ferry Laws. s.l.:s.n.
Hobbes, T., 1651. Leviathan. s.l.:s.n.
Jordan, E., Craig, H. & Antonia, A., 2006. Victorian Periodicals Review. 1st Edition ed. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Levy, J., 2004. Ethics. 2nd Edition ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Locke, J., 1689. A Letter Concerning Toleration. s.l.:s.n.
Motadel, D., 2011. Waves of Revolution. [Online]
Available at: https://www.historytoday.com/archive/waves-revolution
[Accessed 4th March 2021].
Otis, J., 1764. The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved. Boston: s.n.
Peabody, S., 2014. French Emancipation. [Online]
Available at: https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199730414/obo-9780199730414-0253.xml
[Accessed 7th March 2021].
Rose, R., 1995. Historical Reflections. 1st Edition ed. s.l.:Berghahn.
Rousseau, J., 1762. The Social Contract. s.l.:s.n.
Vera, A., 2021. What exactly does it mean to be a patriot?. [Online]
Available at: https://edition.cnn.com/2021/01/30/us/patriot-definition-trnd/index.html
[Accessed 8th March 2021].
Wollstonecraft, M., 1792. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. s.l.:s.n.
Yale Law School Lillian Goldman Library, 2008. Declaration of the Rights of Man – 1789. [Online]
Available at: https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/rightsof.asp
[Accessed 8th March 2021].
Bibliography
https://www.ft.com/content/97dc7de6-940b-11ea-abcd-371e24b679ed
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/17/far-right-coronavirus-protests-restrictions
